There is no doubt that there is gross injustice in Pakistan. Individuals and groups who are weak and in a minority are discriminated against and denied justice whether they are women, poor people, religious minorities or ethnicities.
But the argument that the Taliban are welcomed by the people because they promise speedy justice or distribution of the elite’s land and industrial resources among the poor is flawed. Yet, this argument is made again and again by sympathisers of the Taliban. And because it would have been a forceful argument had it been true, it should be refuted.First, the question of speedy justice. The Taliban ruled in Afghanistan and they have been exercising their influence in parts of Pakistan. All accounts from these areas - whether in the form of memoirs from Afghanistan or stories from Pakistan - suggest that certain minor disputes revolving around property are settled quickly. However, whether they are settled justly is not clear at all. Moreover, if a powerful Talib is involved in a dispute he gets away with murder - quite literally. There is simply no appeal against the Taliban, even against a completely arbitrary or whimsical judgment.
Secondly, they introduce new rules forbidding music, painting, sculpting, singing, dancing, theatre etc. Therefore, the possibility of getting on the wrong side of the powerful increases for all inhabitants. Indeed, it is not peace and security that beckon but the fear of punishment that looms large. There is no concept of a peaceful life as a free citizen in areas dominated by the Taliban.If one happens to be a woman then there are extra rules to contend with. There are rules against showing one’s face, arms, ankles, hair, wearing jeans etc. Even if one is male there are problems: one can’t wear shorts (as this will excite men) and can’t play most games (dubbed a waste of time). In fact, one can’t do many other things which boys do all over the globe. But being a woman means forgetting about living. Indeed, women may well be wishing for the good old ‘justice delayed’ of Pakistani courts than the Taliban’s ‘quick justice’.
Now let us deal with the distribution of wealth attributed to the Taliban. The fact is that the wealth was never divided equitably among the Afghan citizens during the Taliban’s rule although Taliban soldiers originally from poor families did get a large share of the spoils. More to the point, the Taliban did not draw foreign investment nor did they exploit domestic resources in a rational, sustainable manner. As such the total wealth of the country declined and poverty increased.In Pakistan, especially in Swat, the Taliban started expropriating the property of landlords. Even if this is class hatred, and it might well be, the distribution of this land is said to have benefited Taliban supporters, hangers-on and sympathisers in addition to the fighters themselves. There is no evidence of a principled policy of the equitable distribution of wealth. The money from logging, mining and toll tax on vehicles goes to increase the income of the Taliban commanders and not of the ordinary citizens who remain displaced or live in fear in their homes.In Buner, for instance, the Taliban took over a marble factory and displaced the owner who narrated his traumatic story to the media later. This, by all accounts, is part of the pattern and not an isolated incident. Moreover, among the booty are also women whose families cannot refuse the marriage proposal of a Talib. This kind of redistribution of wealth is not exactly what Marx and Engels ordered, so any leftist, romantic idea that the Taliban’s is a revolution of the dispossessed is simply wrong. More to the point is the fact that one cannot survive for long cutting down trees and selling precious stones. Development is not possible under draconian and medieval regimes so the total number of people under the poverty line will increase in any Talibanised state.Yet there is a connection between speedy justice and the equitable distribution of goods and services and all violent movements. I pointed out years ago that if there is a revolution in Pakistan it will use the idiom of Islam. Talibanisation may not be that revolution but the gap between the poor and rich has kept increasing, and frustrated young men are available to join private militias.These militias use the idiom of Islam and legitimise their raiding operations through an appeal to the sacred. In this sense, our denial of economic rights has increased the possibility of violence in this country. And this violence is not only in the name of religion, it is also in the name of ethnicity and sub-nationalism. The Baloch, having been denied their rights, are also fighting the state. Thus, it is good policy to redistribute wealth rather than wait for armed vigilante groups to do so.As for speedy justice, the vigilante groups can never give it to us. Only the state can. But the state will have to get more courts, especially speedy ones. Rules will have to be made to settle disputes within a certain number of hearings. This is not a peripheral matter; it is a matter of life and death for this country. And the sooner we dispense justice fairly and in a speedy manner, the better it will be for all of us.Meanwhile, we must be thankful for small mercies. This time, because the Taliban did not show patience but started advancing into Buner and Dir almost immediately after their victory in Swat, the press turned indignant. Judging by letters, columns, the statements of political leaders and opinion-makers the public is ready to oppose the Taliban.But the electronic media, unfortunately, starts opposing military action almost as soon as it starts. This time, if people have realised that they will never get justice of any kind under Taliban rule, then it is something we can build upon and win our war against the Taliban. Are we ready for that?
SOURCE:
http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/news/pakistan/16-injustice-and-talibanisation-03
But the argument that the Taliban are welcomed by the people because they promise speedy justice or distribution of the elite’s land and industrial resources among the poor is flawed. Yet, this argument is made again and again by sympathisers of the Taliban. And because it would have been a forceful argument had it been true, it should be refuted.First, the question of speedy justice. The Taliban ruled in Afghanistan and they have been exercising their influence in parts of Pakistan. All accounts from these areas - whether in the form of memoirs from Afghanistan or stories from Pakistan - suggest that certain minor disputes revolving around property are settled quickly. However, whether they are settled justly is not clear at all. Moreover, if a powerful Talib is involved in a dispute he gets away with murder - quite literally. There is simply no appeal against the Taliban, even against a completely arbitrary or whimsical judgment.
Secondly, they introduce new rules forbidding music, painting, sculpting, singing, dancing, theatre etc. Therefore, the possibility of getting on the wrong side of the powerful increases for all inhabitants. Indeed, it is not peace and security that beckon but the fear of punishment that looms large. There is no concept of a peaceful life as a free citizen in areas dominated by the Taliban.If one happens to be a woman then there are extra rules to contend with. There are rules against showing one’s face, arms, ankles, hair, wearing jeans etc. Even if one is male there are problems: one can’t wear shorts (as this will excite men) and can’t play most games (dubbed a waste of time). In fact, one can’t do many other things which boys do all over the globe. But being a woman means forgetting about living. Indeed, women may well be wishing for the good old ‘justice delayed’ of Pakistani courts than the Taliban’s ‘quick justice’.
Now let us deal with the distribution of wealth attributed to the Taliban. The fact is that the wealth was never divided equitably among the Afghan citizens during the Taliban’s rule although Taliban soldiers originally from poor families did get a large share of the spoils. More to the point, the Taliban did not draw foreign investment nor did they exploit domestic resources in a rational, sustainable manner. As such the total wealth of the country declined and poverty increased.In Pakistan, especially in Swat, the Taliban started expropriating the property of landlords. Even if this is class hatred, and it might well be, the distribution of this land is said to have benefited Taliban supporters, hangers-on and sympathisers in addition to the fighters themselves. There is no evidence of a principled policy of the equitable distribution of wealth. The money from logging, mining and toll tax on vehicles goes to increase the income of the Taliban commanders and not of the ordinary citizens who remain displaced or live in fear in their homes.In Buner, for instance, the Taliban took over a marble factory and displaced the owner who narrated his traumatic story to the media later. This, by all accounts, is part of the pattern and not an isolated incident. Moreover, among the booty are also women whose families cannot refuse the marriage proposal of a Talib. This kind of redistribution of wealth is not exactly what Marx and Engels ordered, so any leftist, romantic idea that the Taliban’s is a revolution of the dispossessed is simply wrong. More to the point is the fact that one cannot survive for long cutting down trees and selling precious stones. Development is not possible under draconian and medieval regimes so the total number of people under the poverty line will increase in any Talibanised state.Yet there is a connection between speedy justice and the equitable distribution of goods and services and all violent movements. I pointed out years ago that if there is a revolution in Pakistan it will use the idiom of Islam. Talibanisation may not be that revolution but the gap between the poor and rich has kept increasing, and frustrated young men are available to join private militias.These militias use the idiom of Islam and legitimise their raiding operations through an appeal to the sacred. In this sense, our denial of economic rights has increased the possibility of violence in this country. And this violence is not only in the name of religion, it is also in the name of ethnicity and sub-nationalism. The Baloch, having been denied their rights, are also fighting the state. Thus, it is good policy to redistribute wealth rather than wait for armed vigilante groups to do so.As for speedy justice, the vigilante groups can never give it to us. Only the state can. But the state will have to get more courts, especially speedy ones. Rules will have to be made to settle disputes within a certain number of hearings. This is not a peripheral matter; it is a matter of life and death for this country. And the sooner we dispense justice fairly and in a speedy manner, the better it will be for all of us.Meanwhile, we must be thankful for small mercies. This time, because the Taliban did not show patience but started advancing into Buner and Dir almost immediately after their victory in Swat, the press turned indignant. Judging by letters, columns, the statements of political leaders and opinion-makers the public is ready to oppose the Taliban.But the electronic media, unfortunately, starts opposing military action almost as soon as it starts. This time, if people have realised that they will never get justice of any kind under Taliban rule, then it is something we can build upon and win our war against the Taliban. Are we ready for that?
SOURCE:
http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/news/pakistan/16-injustice-and-talibanisation-03
No comments:
Post a Comment